The solutions offered below are from the attendees at the Haitian American Resources Council's weekly forums (HAMREC)

This month marks the anniversary of the Vertières battle. It has been 218 years since our ancestors fought the French to remove the last yoke of slavery from their necks. They ousted the Napoleonic troops. Let us pause to reflect on the privilege that our forefathers granted us all. However, before we beat our chest, let us look at how we let that moment we proudly cherish slip through our fingers.

Our message today centers around the main topic of the expulsion of Haitians living in the Dominican Republic. Our brothers and sisters currently face deportations from everywhere in the world. We must analyze what it means for our dignity and the nation's future.

A significant step in writing this article was to scour the various comments from the Dominicans and Haitians on social media. The blogs referencing the issue are inundated with microaggressions on both sides. The Dominicans see the increasing population of Haitians on their soil as nothing more than "pollutants." In the former's eyes, the latter's consumption outweighs productivity. Dominicans believe that the Haitian government does not bear the cost of the disequilibrium; instead, it is shared among the Dominican people. The cost of supporting the lives of so many Haitians is increasingly higher in their views. In public administration, we call it a negative externality. In other words, exploiting low-skill Haitians is no longer fruitful for them. It also means the Dominicans are proactive at protecting their limited resources, mitigating Haitian gang activity spillover, Controlling childbirths, and avoiding miscegenation.

The unfitting treatment of Haitians is played out overtly and covertly. The negative attitudes towards darker skin color have led to a well-documented aggressive colorism on the island. Worse, the same colorism animosity is seen even amongst the Haitians in the DR pitting against each other. Alice Walker coined the word colorism in 1983 as “prejudicial or preferential treatment of same-race people based solely on their color.” The US embassy in Santo Domingo recently issued a level 2 travel advisory, asking US nationals to exercise caution because the Dominican Migration system is targeting dark skin individuals they believe to be Haitians. Even dark skin Haitians with US passports are not welcome.

There is a slight contrast between Repatriation, Expulsion, and Deportation. We hear the three words often used interchangeably. We will use the phrase expulsion because it aligns with the aggressive and often fatal nature of moving people out. It means an act by Dominican authorities to remove individuals of Haitian descent against their will from the DR territory for allegedly violating immigration law, committing a criminal act, or threatening the public safety of others. The word expulsion implies that an energetic effort is used to push the subject out. The word repatriation suggests a less forceful approach than the word expulsion. It is generally a tripartite agreement.

This fabricated crisis is, in our view, a populist political move by Abinader's Government to consolidate support for his party. It argues that there is an overconsumption of his country's resources by the Haitians. There is also a misconstrued attempt at mitigating interbreeding or preventing ethnic group conflict in the future. The presence of Haitians on Dominican soil is not without its advantages for the host economy. Numerous beneficial activities are directly related to Haitian investments and the massive volume of consumption that the mere presence of Haitians brings to Dominican enterprises. Haitian workers are simply looking for a way to survive.

This issue is in line with HAMREC's mission and vision. This article is written to make it clear to our leaders in Haiti that we want answers to the Haitian deportation crisis in the Dominican Republic. These answers should be based on broad strategies that will stand the test of time. We want reactions that touch on all sectors of the executive power, not just the MAEC and MHAVE. We are here to talk about what we will do to resolve the situation without solely blaming the actors on the other side of the border.

Problem Statement

How do we frame the problem? Who is responsible, or what is the root cause? What is pushing Haitians to go to the other side? What exactly are we missing at home that is attractive there? Where do we go from here?

At HAMREC, we do not have all the answers. The various governments that succeeded before and after Duvalier's regime have no clue. Therefore, we wish to focus the discussion on a sustainable reinsertion policy rather than highlighting the actions of the Dominicans.

Many Haitian migrants who leave their families for DR do so happily. They believe in the utopia that life is better across the border. We should not judge them. The poor in Haiti is pulled and pushed toward the DR because the prospects for social mobility are scarce at home, where it seems like a dead end. However, the earnings from the east side of the border are not good enough to accumulate wealth and support an eventual return home. The Dominican Republic's attractiveness resides in the infrastructures of some urban areas, the good working order of some institutions, and a few other things that are non-existent in Haiti. Another factor that compounds the exodus is a lack of security on the island's west side. Gangs in Haiti are extending their reach into all the popular areas. We should not ignore that the human rights abuse by the Dominicans is not worse than living in constant fear under gang threat in Haiti. Although the violence in Haiti's politics is terrorizing, it is not at the heart of the massive exodus. It is all about looking for economic opportunities. It is also about the xenophilia of Haitians who believe everything foreign is better than what is at home.

Historical context

We will not talk extensively about the history of the braceros in the Batey of the Dominican Republic. It is too much to cover in the time slot that we have. Here is a brief chronological listing of significant events between the two countries.

In his 2019 dissertation, Porfirio Gonzowitz explained that many concessions were made to American corporations under the rule of the Dominican president Ulyses Heureaux in 1889. It created an uneven playing field for domestic landowners. Those imbalances will give rise to Haitians crossing the border looking for work. It was an opportunity for American companies in the Dominican Republic to hire manual labor to exploit land resources. During those years, farming was the most used economic source.

After 1915, migration amplified with the collapse of the Haitian government, increasing economic circumstances caused by agricultural stagnation, and the US's dominance in Haitian financial affairs. In an August 1980 article for the Washington Post, Karen de Young wrote that after the U.S. Marines had gone in 1937, traditional Dominican animosity toward their darker-colored neighbor burst, and tyrant Rafael Trujillo slaughtered at least 12,000 Haitians in a three-day rage.

Kernan Turner wrote for the Latimes 10 years later, stressing how the Dominican Republic paid $2 million annually to Haiti for 15,000 laborers. The arrangement started in 1952 and concluded with Duvalier's demise in 1986.

As of this writing, we could not obtain a copy of the original contract between the Haitian government and the Dominicans. However, we learned that several Mexican braceros were hired similarly to work on farms and railroads. Migration in those times was viewed as a necessity that created a new class of low-pay consumers whose labor generated wealth for a minority. The squalid conditions back then were similar to those of the modern-day DR. The Chinese were also used as braceros in the US. To this day Chinese, the Vietnamese people continue to be used as braceros for the entire world and produce a tremendous amount of goods, except that it is done inside their borders.

PR Latortue wrote in his 1985 article for Estudio Soc that in the early 1980s economic slump sparked anti-Haitian sentiment in the Dominican Republic, where 80% of sugar production workers were Haitians. A 1983 International Labour Organization investigation found that salaries were low. The work hours were long, with no regular rest and few days off. Few workers had contractual protection, forced labor recruitment occurred, a rigid system of vigilance with armed patrols was used to keep immigrants in the work camps, and living conditions were substandard. The Haitian government does nothing to help in exchange for money from the Dominican Republic.

In 2015 there were 17000 people deported from the Dominican Republic to Haiti after new harsher immigration laws were enacted. Notice that we say immigration laws. It suggests that in the Dominican Republic, parliament members are active in defending their country's interests, contrary to the Haitian parliament members.

Between July and October, Dominican authorities deported tens of thousands more Haitians. The killing of Haitian President Jovenel Moise in 2021 accelerated the deportation.

Possible Solution

How can Haiti respond? The appropriate approach must first and foremost focus on opening job opportunities by addressing Haiti's economic and security concerns while simultaneously seeking a constructive dialog with the Dominican government on the inhumane treatment of our brothers and sisters. In addition, we should work on lessening our dependency on commerce with the Dominican Republic. The solutions are not perfect and mix long-term and short-term actions.

We cannot ignore that if global inflation and the post-COVID era cause a recession, many in the diaspora will lose their jobs in the US. The repercussions on Haiti's economy will be significant and compound the current crisis. What is happening in the Dominican Republic shows the importance of the TPS reauthorization by the Biden administration for 53,000 Haitians for another two years.

Frame the deportations in the UN assembly as a human rights violation

Calling the constant Haitian expulsion from the Dominican Republic a crime against humanity is not too far-fetched, given the chaotic and inhumane fashion it is being conducted, the failure to follow due process, and the rate at which it is happening. Many families are sent back without a chance to collect or liquidate their belongings. In various cases, mothers are separated from their children. As a result of the many threats to their well-being and safety that they encountered on their trips, returnees often have urgent needs for humanitarian aid. There are reports of women having childbirth in the street because they were not allowed beds in hospitals. Many returning migrants, including children, abandoned or separated from their families and pregnant or nursing mothers, arrive in Haiti in very precarious circumstances and with little or no resources to their names. Unnecessary fees are getting collected on many trivial things. For instance, Haitians must check their passports monthly for a hefty price of approximately 20 dollars. They have to go to the border every time to renew their visas. A Dominican visa is now at $500. The Haitians have no protection against discrimination. In addition, there is an infringement of their free movement and security. The injustice is unbearable, and access to healthcare and education is decreasing. It is sad and cruel. We must cry out loud, asking for their human rights to be respected.

The Dominican Constitutional Court's Judgment 168/13 changed the interpretation of jus soli in constitutions from 1929 to 2010, stating that people born in the Dominican territory to irregular migrants were not entitled to Dominican nationality. Dominicans feel ethnically and culturally superior to Haitians. Constitutionally, they refer to themselves as a "white nation."

The countermeasure to that constitutional change is for the west side to reciprocate by adopting new laws that can reinsert the expatriates into their land.

While every nation has the right to implement and enforce laws, they should not instill mistreatment of foreign nationals. It is where the United Nations can play a somewhat symbolic role. Haiti is a member state of the OEA and the UN. These organizations exist to ease dialog between member states and stimulate fruitful relations. The urgency resides in the fact that the Haitians' plight is so dire that it will spill over to the neighboring countries in the Americas, not just the Dominican Republic.

Respect starts at home.

We do not condone the vile acts of the Dominicans towards our Haitian brothers. There is a lack of compassion on their part. However, when they look at how we mistreat each other and how we burn buildings, kidnap, and mutilate our own, the question is, do we have compassion for ourselves? They see our behavior as a model and carte blanche to mistreat those on their side of the island. There are reports that Dominican soldiers are now crossing into our territory to flagellate or kill anyone they want. Even Haitian nationals have crossed over from the DR to beat other Haitians. We must respect ourselves before we can get the merit we deserve from foreigners.

No dithering from the three branches of the Haitian government  

The Dominican President, Mr. Abinader, has complained about the situation at the UN. He gave us a heads-up. As a failed state, we had no means of budging or reacting. He and others before him have, on many occasions, humiliated the Haitian government and exposed how they are not working for the interest of their people.

Who are these tinpots that we elect or are selected for us? What is the platform for their political views? It makes us wonder what will happen after February 2023.

We all know that the situation in Haiti raises difficult foreign policy questions. However, the crisis at the border is a direct consequence of years of immoral actions and, in many cases, the inaction of Haitian policymakers. It is the consequences of choices we made in the 220 years of our existence as a nation. Haitian leaders should avoid at all costs wavering on the issue. The interim administration of Mr. Henry must provide answers. We want to see his government's plans to help Haitians facing expulsion from the Dominican Republic. This crisis is chronic, and solutions are long overdue. Any procedures for repatriation should be strongly interwoven with activities to help other low-income individuals within the country.  

The solutions should come from not just the Ministry of foreign affairs and Haitians living abroad but also every other executive branch agency, including economy and finance, justice, commerce, women's rights, public health, Social Affairs, interior, and many others.

We were disappointed that we could not find any website for the Ministry of Haitians living abroad (MHAVE). The official link has been out of service since April 2022. As a result, it made it harder for us to find any decent information for our research. We found a Facebook posting that shows pictures of the secretary handing out insignificant awards. Nowhere were we able to find the faces of Haitians being repatriated and receiving a welcome package for being back in their country. That is vexing.

Mrs. Judith Nazareth Auguste currently leads the MHAVE. The Ministry exists as a platform for information sharing between the diaspora and the motherland. The MHAVE was made to help the Haitian Diaspora play a more prominent role in the country's economic and social life. It links Haitian communities living outside of Haiti and the Haitian government. The agency should work alongside the Ministry of foreign affairs (MAEC) to find short-term solutions to this crisis which should not be swept under the rug. Their silence means the Haitian leaders are absent of ideas regarding the recent expulsion. In our view, this so-called institution or Ministry should be degraded to the level of a low-budget agency and folded under foreign and religious affairs. A crisis like this one would break the back of any political party in any other country. It is the norm in Haiti for the party in power to ignore every critical issue that negatively impacts the lives of Haitians with impunity.

Peaceful street protests play a significant role in the fight for a solution. They light a fire under the wings of leaders who wish to take the reins and have yet to offer a platform and campaign message. We need a true figurehead who is charismatic and symbolic enough to represent the largest segment of the population.

The middle class in Haiti and those in the diaspora can help.

We saw what happened in Guantanamo in 1994; the pewtrutst.org website sums it up like this: " Haitian activists staged hunger strikes and forged alliances with other activist groups. The community coalesced over the detainment of thousands of Haitians in Guantanamo Bay, particularly the orphaned children confined there for months." We also saw how Haitians united on the Manhattan bridge on April 20, 1990, to push back against the AIDS Stigma. Many of us were there. Haitians have always shown unity over significant issues that affect or shame us all. However, once the dust settles, we barely remember what happened. The harmony should be a constant. 

According to various estimates, the Haitian diaspora is fast approaching 3.5 million Individuals. Roughly a quarter of this figure lives in the neighboring country. These expatriates must see a reflection of themselves in the mirror and realize a fundamental need to support the Homeland in a much more innovative and caring way. There are plenty of ideas, and they cannot be ignored. We must weigh each through the lens of human capital and the available resources to see which would yield the maximum benefits possible. The despair is so great that it borders inhumanity. This issue should be seen as personal, national, and institutional in the eyes of those who live a "better" life above the poverty level. These Haitian migrants have needs that powerfully affect all of us. We, therefore, must be more imaginative in the way we support the economy of our Homeland. We all need to ask tough questions to our shambolic governments on their plans to help Haitians facing expulsion from the Dominican Republic.

Temporary relief from ONG and the myriad of Haitian non-profit organizations

The resettlement and reintegration of the deportees need the kindness of expatriates and refugee associations, religious and community-based organizations, and the local government. Haitians are now considered refugees in their land. It is unfathomable to think their safety and health could be at risk in their home country. Nevertheless, it is true. The government should be able to provide land for the resettlement.

Many non-profit organizations exist to deal with processes that fall under the resettlement process. The OIM, for instance, is already on the ground and has pledged to assist temporarily with the following:

• Shelter, food, and beverage
• Cash assistance
• Hygiene kits
• Psychosocial support and counseling services
• Support for family reunification of the unaccompanied
• Phones to call friends and relatives
• vulnerable returnees and referrals to special services
• Availability of feedback and complaints mechanisms

A resettlement process must fit everyone as if they were seeking "asylum." It is the perfect moment for the myriad of non-profit Haitian organizations in the diaspora to work together and offer support by extending a similar frame of services that OIM has already pledged to offer.

Diplomatic Dialog

A sensible dialogue must occur between the two governments to cooperate. There must be respect for human rights and proper mechanisms to enforce them. The discussion must focus on Haitians here legally and those who are expulsed and did not get a chance to gather their belongings.

The conversation should be crafted to benefit both parties, and it should serve to preserve a long-term partnership. No party should throw blame at the other in the media. Each party must demonstrate they have something of worth to provide. As neighbors, we need this synergy and mutual accord in every area of our relationships. It is a win-win scenario. The dialogue must be able to settle issues and suit the interests of both sides, at least partially. The engagement must be productive enough to provide a return on the investment over time. It is more probable that a benefit will materialize by aiming and stressing the value of a specific interest between the two nations. For instance, the Dominican Republic's economy largely depends on a trade surplus between the two nations. Haitians have businesses contributing to the Dominican economy. Since the 1950s, Haitians in the bateys have helped the Dominicans escape poverty. This Haitian value can be used as a bargaining chip in any dialog.

Creation of a fund

The braceros' exploitation is hugely profitable for the economy of DR. We can push for a new law that establishes a transparent fund. It would be like a social security type of savings account. It can only be used to ease the resettlement of Haitian refugees from abroad.

Karen DeYoung wrote in the Washington Post reported in 1980, "In addition, the Dominican Government deducted $1 from the pay of the Haitians every 15 days and turned it over to the Haitian Embassy in Santo Domingo. This money -- paid in US currency under contract terms -- is to be turned over to the workers as enforced savings back in Haiti. However, no Haitians who protested publicly on their return could recall having received it."

Herein lies a need for new laws to retroactively go after actors who misused the said fund in bad faith. There are so many cases where funds were misappropriated without impunity. A solid solution is to prop up the justice system to concentrate on opening claims to convict anyone who participated in these heinous crimes. Haiti is one of the rare countries where the word immunity is used for even the ordinary citizen.   

Family Planning

One thing we have not talked about is the elephant in the room. Population growth in Haiti must be tackled. It may be painful for religious dogmatists to hear, but it is true. Overpopulation is tied to sexual promiscuity, slum dwellers, and rampant crimes. Family Planning must be reinforced and part of any sustainable solution. It is a simple equation; the more children born from the unemployed, out of wedlock, and not planned, the more misery in Haiti.

One of the reasons the Dominican Republic deport Haitians is directly tied to uncontrolled and reckless pregnancies and new births on their soil.

As the world reaches 8 billion souls, we reflect on Haiti's dense and impoverished population and how it can arguably affect economic growth in the country. We also contemplate the social impact of uncontrolled births in low-income families or single women.

The issue is not so much the proliferation of uncontrolled births but the land mass and inexistent conditions to sustain such a fast pace of reproduction. On an area of 27,500 km2 with extensively eroded mountains and few arable lands to grow food, Haitians cannot continue to have children indiscriminately. Resources are not infinite. They get depleted over time, and lately, they have gotten exhausted faster.

Haiti must address the situation head-on. We must go back to making family planning and reproductive health commonplace. Haitian women cannot continue to have kids as economic security. They cannot continue to think that their partners will work to provide them with food and security if they carry their children. We all know that poor women are more prone to fall for this fallacy. In Haiti, there is an absolute disregard for child support from male partners. They must understand that economic empowerment does not equate to having more children but rather control over how many to have and when.  

Recommended Solution

Invest in major infrastructure

One thing that can be done is to start large projects in various parts of the country that touch different sectors of the economy. Haitians from the Dominican Republic with acquired skills could be brought to work in agriculture and infrastructure building. To finance these projects, an elected executive team could exploit five primary sources of funding: investment from the diaspora, sales of local bonds, a new Sino-Haitian relationship, public spending, and the local private sector. These projects would guarantee jobs for a sizable number of Haitians in the Dominican Republic over two to four years.

One good example is a tourism project as a driver of economic development. We can look into buttressing new districts similar to private spheres like the successful Labadie and Iles a vâche sites. Such projects work best in locations with historical sites. However, the real value is in the modernization of the area, affordability, and security. The attributes of this new economic infrastructure can be scaled over time. Many African countries have been focusing on infrastructure investment and are doing exceptionally well. We can look into modernizing our electric grid and water pipes and invest in a new rail and highway system. The works of the current Mexican and Salvadoran administrations are prime examples that show how it is done. Both countries have accelerated infrastructure spending in the last three years. They aim to attract further investments in the country that offer jobs with different wage structures.

Possible Outcomes

What is happening in Haiti has happened in other countries. Jews went through the same dramatic journey before establishing themselves in the middle east.

The crisis at the border is principally due to wrong policies in Haiti over many years. We are tired of reactive instead of proactive politics. The US is deporting us; Dominicans have always done it. Before long, it will be Mexico, Turkey, Chile, Brazil, Ecuador, the Bahamas, and France. When are we going to stop feeling shame and guilt for being Haitian?

The folks that return from the DR will not find it easy to integrate and survive in their old communities. It will be tough for those who were born on Dominican soil. The vast majority will attempt illegal means to return to the Dominican Republic as soon as possible.

The proposed comprehensive measures above can only have a positive impact and are simple enough to gauge after five years. These measures include but are not limited to prioritizing children's education, reestablishing our most fundamental institutions, rethinking the trade at the border, family planning, and many others. Let's open more ports for imports from neighboring countries and stop our dependence on dealing only with the Dominican Republic. These measures will open the playing field for competition and give us an upper hand in negotiations.

We must develop as a nation and as a people with an active input in the political process. The diaspora must become involved in the Homeland's socioeconomic and political process in a concerted way to compel foreign players to quit forcing puppet governments down our throats. We need a duly elected, principled, and disciplined leader who is courageous and willing to move the country forward in good faith and by any means necessary.

Belizaire Vital MD, MPA, DHA
Technical Advisor
HAMREC
"Ayisyen nou tout Konsène"